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How Adenauer brought the last prisoners of war back home


Fritz

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Moskaureise 1955

 

Adenauer meets Bulganin and Chrustschow during his Moscow visit (08.09.1955-14.09.1955)

 

On return to Cologne-Bonn airport, the mother of a prisoner of war gives her thanks to Adenauer, 14.9.1955

On the invitation of the Soviet leaders, Adenauer travelled to Moscow from the 8th till 14th September 1955. The result of the negotiations was the begin of diplomatic relations in exchange for the release of the remaining 10.000 German prisoners of war, under consideration of the sovereignty and diplomatic status of the Federal Government of Germany. Not the insistance of unrealistic demand of progress in the question of a united Germany, but strong nerves and politically wise reaction brought Adenauer success. The Moscow visit left permanent impressions on Adenauers image in the German public eye and in his judgement of Soviet politics.

Soviet state visit invitation

After effectivity of the Paris Agreements, the Soviet Government invited Adenauer on 7th June 1955 to talks in Moscow. Adenauer did not see the necessity of taking up diplomatic relations after the end of the Occupation Statute, for which there were various reasons. The Soviet Union was the fourth great power responsible for Germany as a whole. The Federal Government saw the key to renuification in Moscow. If ever Bonn seriously considered negociations for renunification, then direct relations were absolutely necessary. Bonns status among the Western Powers would increase and the Federal Republic would be considered a competent political partner among the European states. As early as 1952 the Foreign Office (Auswärtiges Amt) considered the begin of trade political relations and stated that the release of the prisoneers of war be one of the main conditions.

Wrong timing

The invitation prior to the Four Powers Conference came however, at the wrong time for Adenauer. The hint that the consolidation of diplomatic relations was to be the solution for the national unity of the German people, the renuification and reconstruction of the unity of a German democaratic state, this put the Federal Government in a dilemma. Nobody was able to say whether an exchange of diplomatic representatives would lead to the begin of bilateral negociations., or whether Moscow would see the beginning of diplomatic relations as the finalisation of two German states. A non acceptance of such an invitation would be out of the question. The reasons for this lay in the disagreement of the coalition within the government and the FDP (Liberal Party), but also in the public expectation of negociating reunification. Peace in Europe was considered only possible through ending the divided status of Germany.

Position for negociation

During the talks prior to the diplomaticc negociations the Soviet ambassador in Paris, Winogradow made clear that Reunification was out of the question. If Adenauer were to receive offers from the Soviet Union of diplomatic, scientific and cultural relations, he could not expect more. Anything more was unrealistic. Adenauer stuck to three main points, the unquestionability of the Western Agreements, the mention of Reunification, and no start up of diplomatic relations without the agreement of return of the prisoners of war. It was clear to him that only a firm and determined approach would be the only means of success. For this reason he personally led the negociations.

 

Negotiations

After four days of negotiating, the hope of success in the question of the prisoners of war seemed to dwindle. Adenauers only hope was in bluffing to break off the negotiations and return earlier, whether this impressed the Soviets is not known. Adenauer could hardly risk letting the negotiations be dropped and therefore to risk a break in the East-West-de-escalation policy. Apart from that, the Soviets were willing to release the prisoners of war, which they had already indicated to the East German SED leaders, the only question was, when. For Bulganin and Chrustschow this point was already reached, at least for the next few days. Finally they were impressed by the steadfastness and principals of Adenauer, as well as in the discussions about the causes of the war.

 

Compromises

Adenauer remained steadfast in two points. He was not prepared to agree to begin of Relations without compromises from the other side, and the basic sovereign position of the German Federal Government was to remain unchanged. His decision to accept the release of all the remaining 9626 prisoners on the word of the Soviet Gorernment, despite warnings from his advisors, was based on his intuition. In three points he was prepared to make concessions with acceptance of a non-written agreenment by word of honour; By his acceptance the political restrictions to be excluded in the text of the Begin of East West Relations, and his preparedness in non recognition of territorial possession, the Peace Treaty Reservation and the unchanged Alleinvertretungsanspruch (demand of sole representation), not to be protocolled but held in the text of a letter

 

Results

The Release of the German prisoners of war for Bulganins word of honour was the maximum achieved and compensated Adenauers failure in the question of reunification., without making this noticeable, as the begin of diplomatic relations did not exclude the possibility of a reunification. Despite the stagnation in the German Question, he succeeded in satisfying the inner political pressure and to present the results of the Moscow negotiations as aa gain, so that many present day Gemans still identify themselves with the Adenauer Era. That was a masterpiece of Adenauers politics.

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Rückkehrer aus der Sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenschaft in Berlin, 1948

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Tübingen, 1951, names of those who were condemned as "war criminals"

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Downed Luftwaffe airmen escorted by police and solders, England, 1939-40. A very impressive and moving scene. It must have been a traumatic experience for them. Most of these men were sent to Canada to reduce their chances of escape and to lessen the burden on the wartime economy in England. They were otherwise generally well looked after, which was not always the case with POWs in the postwar years, as these no longer had any international status, and no humanitarian intermediaries to see that their rights were upheld. In the immediate postwar years in Europe, pow's were forced to clear mines, the majority of them had no experience with such and casualties were high, also at sea,  G.M.S.A. (German Mineclearing Service). Other pow's were sent to forced labour, against the Geneva Conventions, which then no longer played any role. In many other countries German POWs looked towards an uncertain fate.
Literature:
Parole Heimat by Willi Berthold, Klagenfurt, 2003
Die Gefangenen by Paul Carell/Günter Bödecker, Ullstein, 1980

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Quite a few officer POW camps were established in Scotland too

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Yes, I am sure - then there were camps everywhere - worldwide.

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